Franklin D. Roosevelt: The Four Freedoms

es—and at numbers of them are already here and in Latin America.

As long as the agssor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger.  That is why this annual message to the Conss is unique in our history.  That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Conss face at responsibility—at accountability.

The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily—almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril.  For all our domestic problems are now a part of the at emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small.  And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting agssion and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere.  By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by agssors and sponsored by appeasers.  We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two at parties in respect to that national policy.  No issue was fought out on the line before the American electorate.  And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production.  Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons.  Goals of speed have been set.  In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time.  In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays.  And in some cases—and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial pross during the past year.  Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day.  And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the pross thus far made.  The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism.  They are not satisfied with the pross thus far made.  None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peaime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task.  The atest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Conss of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the pross of the program.  However, there is certain information, as the Conss itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety.  I shall ask this Conss for atly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Conss for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with agssor nations.  Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves.  They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.  We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely ause of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars.  I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program.  And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom.  We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world.  We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns.  This is our purpose and our pledge."

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their agssion.  Such aid is not an act of war, eve

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